Disparities in Health Communication of the Groups of Mosques in Responding to the Covid-19 Pandemic in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan

The use of health communication in the group of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) mosques and the group of Muhammadiyah mosques in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic in Banjarmasin City is inseparable from the background of the two religious organizations. In responding to the government’s call for mosques not to hold Friday prayers to contain the transmission of Covid-19, the group of Muhammadiyah mosques made persuasive, cautious and rational approaches to convey the message of the call to the congregation. On the other hand, the message of the call conveyed by the group of NU mosques to the congregation is coercive and tends to cause fatal or radical attitude. This study recommends that the group of NU mosques be united to manage an organization functioning as a basis, umbrella, and command. This way more effective and controllable communication among NU mosques can be created to resolve internal differences while conveying communication messages. The conclusion and recommendation are based on the results of the research conducted through qualitative approaches using data collection techniques covering observation and unstructured interviews to obtain indepth and pure data. Qualitative data analysis was conducted before, during and after a field research.


Introduction
The spate of media reports on death tolls from the novel coronavirus disease 2019  has increasingly worried the public with the passing of time. The central government has responded to the situation by issuing a number of policies to serve as a guidance for the public to avoid coronavirus infection. One of the government's policies is related to a call for mosques not to hold Friday prayers and Muslims can perform Zuhr prayers at home as a substitute for the Friday prayers to avoid crowds of people. The government asked all institutions and social and religious organizations to implement and comply with the policy. At provincial, district and municipal levels, police and public order agency (satpol PP) personnel have been assigned to guard the policy by dispersing crowds of people, among others.
"We have dispersed a total of 1,371 crowds of people across Indonesia," Chief of the Public Information Bureau of the National Police Headquarters Brigadier General Argo Yuwono in Jakarta (Tirto.id, 26 March 2020).
A lack of compliance with the government's policy involves various parties, each of which has shortcomings. The elites or opinion leaders who serve as an exemplary model for the public egoistically and unconsciously displayed unpraiseworthy example when they were encountered with the protocols in the field. In fact, when they were reprimanded they used swear words, and committed physical actions that underestimate officers. The elites that have such a behavior set a negative behavior for the public to follow. In addition, some of them conveyed messages or information by using high-profile language, including foreign or academic terms that made it difficult for common people to understand them. On the other hand, some elites have rigid behavior in responding to differences of opinion in the community.
The government also has a weakness to uphold regulations consistently. For instance, it closed traditional markets, while at the same time allowing malls and supermarkets to open. Some officials also exploited the distribution of social assistance/basic necessities by ignoring the protocols to prevent the spread of Covid-19. Recipients of assistance got caught in crowds and ignored physical distancing rules. Mass media particularly television stations did not broadcast Covid-19 stories proportionally and accurately (Nurlatifah, 2019). Neither did the authorized government institution issue warnings or directives to those spreading hoaxes or fake news related to Covid-19 in social media.
It seems that the level of public awareness as the main target of messages and information related to the Covid-19 outbreak is still in the imaginative stage. They see the messages and information without understanding and belief. However, they frequently spread their imagination and get involved in debates with other people who have different opinions. The public also tends to not care for information about the Covid-19. They are not disturbed by the information and live a normal life as usual. They continue to carry out outdoor economic and religious activities and so on without heeding the ban.
Not a quite few community members also have different rigid attitudes, such as being unwilling to receive any message or information from other group or certain group. Culturally, the problem that poses an obstacle to making the public aware of the coronavirus to follow the Covid-19 prevention protocols is collective culture that has long been rooted in the community, such as a meeting with friends at a coffee shop, patrol post or the house of one of them. They chatted without direction while drinking coffee and eating light food for hours even until midnight.
It seems that information about the Covid-19 pandemic had not been socialized evenly so that the public have a poor knowledge and awareness of the danger of the virus. This happens not only because of the above obstacles but also because of traditional structure, family system, contact, relations and social control that influence individuals in the community due to modern structure, with the public life that emphasizes rational attitude, respect for time and planning based on capacity (Abdurrahman, 2012., Latifah, 2019. The characteristics of values held by traditional community are not keeping time, static, fanatic, closed, past-oriented, automatic status (ascriptive), primordial bond (such as family, tribe and religion) and not simple. Meanwhile, the characteristics of modern society are the opposite of the characteristics of traditional community, such as keeping time, dynamic, tolerant, open, future-oriented, status due to achievement, bound to the wider environment (in the form of nation, international relations), neutral to religion and sect, and simple (Noer in Chatib, 2006: 53). In fact, the two community structures in urban areas are not separated from one another and mix with one another in terms of mindset, leading to the combination of traditional and modern values. For instance, a restaurant promotes its foods using the words: "Restaurant's taste, sidewalk vendor's price". Some people see this phenomenon as postmodern (Jalil & Aminah, 2017) In this context, Harun Nasution divides the life pattern of Muslim community into tradisionalism and rationalism. Among the characteristics of traditional community are static in motion, textual thinking and least use of brain (ratio). On the contrary, rational community are dynamic in motion, contextual but still have textual values in thinking, higher portion of intellectuality (Nasution, in Chatib, 2006: 53). In addition, there is also value linking tradisionalism to modernism in Islam, namely eternal value acceptable to the two groups. The value may be called a basic value. The basic value cannot be applied in case of no instrumental value serving as a means to face life challenge (Noer in Chatib 2006: 53).
In his research, Chatib (2006) noted the difference of community structure by exploring its characteristics to see whether the community researched is traditional or modern community. Meanwhile, Jalil and Aminah (2017) who researched the characteristics of community structure within the framework of antithesis to Rowlands' theory (1995) concluded that the community researched is not found in one of the existing strucrures as predicted by Rowlands but in the characteristics of post-modern community structure.
This research is conducted to analyze how is the relation between Islamic community structure (hereinafter referred to as mosque group) and the effort to contain the Covid-19 pandemic through health communication addressed to the residents of Banjarmasin community as congregation.
Can the mosque groups be distinguished based on the traditional and modern concept? Can the characteristics of health communication launched by each group be distinguished?
On the other hand, the sophistication of mass media and social media has provided knowledge and information overload to the public. As a result, the public are confused and worried. Individuals that have no sufficient information navigation from the authorities and media will make opinion leaders their role models to consume information.
In Banjarmasin City, the opinion leaders are religious figures, including those from Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. Muhammadiyah has grouped its figures into an organized forum and managed its mosques hierarchically. Meanwhile, NU religious figures including mosques are not organized or controlled by NU mass organization.
The disparities between the two groups have brought about consequences to the congregation with regard to the effort to stem the spread of coronavirus in South Kalimantan, particularly in Banjarmasin City, which has Muslim majority population who perform prayers five times a day and Friday prayers at mosques in the city.
The disparities between the group of NU mosques and the group of Muhammadiyah mosques can be viewed differently using the perspective of communication sciences. Knowing accurately the attitude of these groups is very important because a group for an individual will have a positive impact (Chen & Li, 2009) and difference of group interests may lead to an intergroup conflict (Tajfel & Turner, 1979).
Seeing and analyzing the control of the Covid-19 by linking it to groups of mosques and health communication used between the characteristics of the groups of mosques in this study is very important. The results of this research offer the specific characteristics of health communication in handling communication crisis such as the Covid-19 through groups related to the role of opinion leaders and organizations (Listyana & Hartono, 2015) Theoretical Frameworks Health communication is a systematic effort made to positively influence the health attitude of individuals and community, by using a variety of communication principles and methods, either interpersonal communication, group communication or mass communication. In addition, health communication is also understood as a study of how to use communication strategy to disseminate health information that can influence individuals and community to make an accurate decision related to health management (Liliweri in Rahmadiana, 2012: 89).
One of the models of health communication is the conveyance of information and message both in the form of call and clarification related to the Covid-19 from the government to the community in Banjarmasin City, including mosque caretakers and congregation. The information and message constitute a stimulus perceived by mosque caretakers and congregation. Perception is a complex process of choosing, organizing and interpreting responses to a stimulus into a meaningful and logical situation (Dapu, Silvana Monika., Kawengian, Debby D.V., Waleleng, 2015).
Perception occurs in each communication activity, either interpersonal or intrapersonal. This happens because perception is the result of direct contact between our sense and various stimuli both from the physical environment and other humans (Mirandha1, Ira Yuni, Mahadian, 2017). Perception is a process of searching information to be understood by using a sensor. Perception involves intrapersonal process to see and evaluate the extent to which we know other people. In this process, an indiviual's sensitivity to the surrounding environment begins to be visible. Viewpoint will determine impression resulting from perception process. Interaction process is inseparable from an individual's viewpoint or perception of other individual, thus leading to the so-called public perception.
Public perception will result in evaluation of attitude. In this research, the attitude of mosque caretakers and congregation emerged because they received messages and information from the government that form the perception of the two groups of mosques, thus leading to meaningful and logical responses. But these meaningful and logical responses will not accord with the aim of health communication launched by the government forever. One of the influential factors is a value system that prevails in the community and also influences perception (Listyana & Hartono, 2015). It is Muhammadiyah and NU that shaped the perception of the groups of mosques. Perception is the core of communication, while interpretation is the core of perception identical to decoding in a communication process. It is the perception that determines the selection of a message and ignores other message (Arifin, et al, 2017). Thus, perception process influences the result or meaning that the mosque caretakers and congregation will catch.
The process of forming perception passes through the following phases. The first phase is known as natural process or physical process where human senses catch a stimulus. The second phase is known as physiological process where the stimulus is passed on to the receptor through sensory nerves. The third phase is known as psychological process where an individual is aware of the stimulus received by the receptor. The fourth phase is the result achieved from the perception process, namely in the form of response and behavior.
Thus, the factors influencing perception are determined by personal and situational factors. Perception is not determined by the type or model of stimuli but by the characteristics of individuals responding to the stimuli. Functional factor is derived from needs, past experiences and other matters included in personal factors. The way individuals look at the world is determined by their group and membership in the community. This means that the environment influences the way the individuals look at the world, known as social pressures. Knowledge and information received are an external factor affecting perception. Hence, the messages, the characteristics of individuals, and the views of the group to which they belong are closely related to the perception of the group of mosques in accepting or rejecting the health communication from the government.
The messages carrying knowledge and information described above are important to determine how individuals perceive or decode, so that they can take a stand on whether to accept or reject the messages they perceive. Thus, a message strategy needs to be applied to enable the communicator to convey the messages of health communication effectively. The message strategy needs to take into account: (1) the message conveyed by communicator must be formulated systematically; (2) the message must be able to draw attention from communicants; (3) the message must be easily understood by communicants (Nurhadi & Kurniawan, 2017).
One of the most popular techniques of formulating messages is "motivated sequence", namely: (1) attention; (2) need; (3) satisfaction; (4) visualization, and (5) action. Through this technique, if we want to influence other people, we must first draw their attention, arouse their needs, give them directives to satisfy their needs, instill into their minds a picture of advantages and disadvantages they will gain if they apply or do not apply our ideas, and finally, motivate them to act. (Nurhadi & Kurniawan, 2017).
The other way of formulating messages is by making a spoken sequence written in a normal pyramid, starting from the most important message to the less important one or the other way around. Messages can be formulated in a rectangle-shaped chronological and logical order or in an inductve or deductive order.
The message strategy used by the communicator to convey messages must be able to draw attention. Hence, the messages must be linked to something needed by communicants and show the easiest way of achieving them. It is necessary to identify what accuracy that becomes communicants' needs. To realize the message strategy, communicator must be able to use good language, and avoid semantic disruption, such as the use of improper terms that are not adjusted to the educational background and experience of target audience. Mispronunciation may lead to misunderstanding. This potential semantic error is also related to the sphere of experience and the frame of knowledge on the part of communicants.
In addition to message, the characteristic of individuals also serves as an important factor. Thus, the view or value of the group of mosques to which they belong is closely related to the perception of the groups of mosques to accept or reject health communication from the government. In this regard, the groups of mosques in Banjarmasin City including their caretakers, congregation, ulemas and preachers are influenced by the view of NU or Muhammadiyah. As a logical consequence, this view is related to different views and methods to manage their respective groups of mosques.
The followers of NU's and Muhammadiyah 's views have different interpretation of parts of Islamic teachings. This difference is used to see, interpret and adapt to one another. The parts of Islamic teachings that both understand, activate and use as a guidance to face the environment appear to create two different social structures with clear borders, but at the same time encouraging integration into the community (Saifuddin, 1982: 9).
In the tradition of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren), students have been accustomed to respecting and obeying teachers since they began studying at the boarding schools. When they dedicate their life to the public including interaction with mosques, they still keep the habit. Such a model of communication between students and teachers of Islamic boarding schools is absolute and lifetime. Meanwhile, the extreme model of communication in the form of "debate" or "free discussion" still prevails in the group of Muhammadiyah mosques (Prasodjo in Wahyuddin, 2017).

Material and Methodology
This research was conducted through qualitative approaches to obtain a comprehensive and in-depth picture of the research object by collecting data about the characteristics of the structure of groups of mosques, the characteristics of health communication related to the characteristics of traditional or modern structure (Chatib, 2006). This research is different from the previous research which highlighted the research object through social, religious and philosophical approaches. This research specifically studies the research object through communication psychological approaches. The type of this research is field research.
This research uses primary and secondary data. The primary data cover perception, behavior and various characteristics of the groups of mosques particularly those related to the prevention of the Covid-19 at a selected number of mosques in Banjarmasin City. Meanhile, the secondary data cover a map of areas including the geographic and demographic condition in the research area obtained from the documentation of the local government agency.
Data sources include mosque caretakers, ulemas/preachers, social figures and congregation as informants. The mosque caretakers provided information on various aspects of the management of mosques, congregation of mosques and health communication related to the prevention of coronavirus  outbreak. The ulemas/preachers were asked about the religious life of the public in general and the congregation of mosques in particular as well as the religious views of the coronavirus control. The social figures were interviewed about Muslims' general stand on the prevention of the Covid-19 outbreak. The congregation of mosques were asked to confirm information from the informants.
The social situation (population) of this research is all mosques that can be classified into the group of NU mosques or Muhammadiyah mosques in Banjarmasin City. Since the number of mosques is large, only two mosques representing the two groups of mosques in Banjarmasin City were chosen. The mosques were chosen after they met the desired characteristics. The designation of the chosen mosques highly depended on the physical criteria or characteristics of the mosques and the service behavior of congregation.
In general, the group of NU mosques use speaker's platform. In general, congregation wear a sarong and a black peci cap. Friday prayers is conducted with two azans (calls to prayers). Fajr (subuh), maghrib and isya prayers use loudspeakers outside mosques. Qunut is recited in the second rakaat (unit) of Fajr (subuh) prayers.
In contrast, the group of Muhammadiyah mosques do not use speaker's platform but podium. In general, congregation is dressed flexibly without having to wear a sarong and a black peci cap. Friday prayer is conducted with one azan (call to prayers). Fajr, maghrib and isya prayers use speakers inside mosques. No qunut is recited in the second rakaat of Fajr prayers.
After identifying the criteria, the researcher found two groups of mosques. One sample of each group of mosques was taken at random to represent the group of mosques to serve as a locus of research.
The locus of research comprises two mosques in Banjarmasin City which has a total of 200 mosques (the South Kalimantan Religious Affairs Office, 2019). Of the total, 26 are Muhammadiyah mosques (PCM Banjarmasin, 2020), and the rest are NU mosques. The research which was conducted from early March to early May 2020 focuses on the two mosques chosen through the above procedure.

Result and Discussion
Mosque caretakers are representatives of congregation to manage mosques. They were chosen by congregation. In general, the executive board of NU mass organization does not intervene in the group of NU members to choose their caretakers. This is understandable since local residents initiated the construction of the mosques through mutual help and they later become the congregation of the mosques.
The mosque caretakers have the authority to organize religious services in moques, ranging from the physical maintenance of mosque buildings, means of worship, the appointment of who will serve as imams for five prayer times, deliver sermons, and recite calls to prayers, to the commemoration of religious holidays and other social events. This is different from the formation of Muhammadiyah mosque caretakers elected by the organization at a sub-branch level. They are elected from congregation approved by the Muhammadiyah Sub-branch Executive Board (PRM).
The activities of Muhammadiyah mosques are inseparable from PRM's intervention. The mosque caretakers can decide imams, preachers to give routine sermons, muazzin (reciters of call to prayers), and mosque residents as well as to organize religious and social activities with prior consent from PRM. Since the mosque caretakers are inseparable from PRM, the problems facing the mosque caretakers are also the responsibility of PRM, such mosque officers' salaries, electricity and clean water bills, preacher's fees, and repair, renovation and reconstruction of mosque buildings.
Unlike Muhammadiyah mosque caretakers, NU mosque caretakers autonomously manage the domestic affairs of mosques. They can appoint religious service officers, organize commemoration of religious holidays, appoint ulemas to give sermons without the intervention of NU executive board.
This happens because the NU residents living around mosques initiated the construction of the mosques and thus, in general, NU mosques are less organized.
After an NU mosque has been built, a team of caretakers is set up. The team of caretakers works themselves to organize religious services and social activities of the mosque. There are frequently ups and downs. If the caretakers are smart, have initiatives and are rich, the mosque will be maintained and run well. However, quite a few mosques have a problem to organize congregational prayers five times a day, for instance, due to the absence of imam, so that one of congregation members is spontaneously appointed to become an imam. Construction, cleanliness and public order at the mosque also does not run well.
The different model of the formation of caretakers to carry out their authority has an impact on decision making in the group of mosques. In NU mosques, caretakers can make a policy without involving congregation. The caretakers can or cannot involve ulemas, preachers or chatib of the mosques.
Following the demise of NU grand ulemas KH Zaini Ghoni and KH Achmad Bakri, mosque caretakers no longer refer to ulemas to make decisions. They make decisions based on the legendary yellow book (kitab kuning) containing various fatwas related to religious services and social activities. Sometimes the caretakers ask ulemas or preachers to familiarize the congregation with the decisions they have made including those related to the spread of Covid-19 when they deliver sermons or become Friday prayer preacher.
Meanwhile, Muhammadiyah mosque caretakers always consult PRM in making decisions and PRM later discusses them with senior ulemas or preachers. After that, the decisions are made by asking for congregation's views or not.
The caretakers usually familiarize the congregation with the mosques' internal decisions through face-to-face announcement before participants of five-time congregational prayers, routine sermons or Friday prayers. However, the Muhammadiyah executive board members make and familiarize the congregation with the public policies of all Muhammadiyah mosques in accordance with their levels, including the executive board's stand on the spread of the coronavirus.
In relation to the characteristics of the messages conveyed, NU mosque caretakers tend to receive and pass on the message from the authorities and their ulemas to the congregation because the ulemas have prepared Islamic doctrine that has been translated and become the core of community in the group of NU mosques.
The caretakers tend to pass on the messages from the authorities to the congregation although they lack self-confidence to face the different desires of the authorities. They tend to take the messages from their ulemas for granted. This is related to a sense of religiosity they may have.
The yardstick to say whether an individual is religious or not is based on five religiosity dimensions, namely: (1) Faith dimension (ideology), fundamental and dogmatic belief of individuals in their religious teachings; (2) Ritualistic dimension (religious service), this dimension covers the act of worship, obedience, and things individuals do to show their commitment to the religion they adhere to; (3) Experience dimension, this dimension contains individuals' experiences in feeling sensations and religious experiences, such as feeling close to Allah SWT, and feeling their prayers are often answered; (4) Religious knowledge dimension, this dimension refers to expectation that religious people have at least a knowledge of fundamental beliefs, rites, holy book and traditions; (5) Experience and consequence dimension, this dimension is related to the extent to which individuals' behavior is motivated by religious teachings, such as being honest, keeping mandate, forgiving and so on. Among the five dimensions above, NU mosque caretakers tend to be more influenced by the second dimension (Glock & Stark in Affandi and Diah, 2011: 286).
In responding to the government's call or circular concerning the Covid-19 outbreak, the NU executive board formally accepts it. They announced the call or circular even in banners. However, NU mosque caretakers let congregation ignore the call. Even some of them did not agree to the call or circular.
Secretly, before the call or circular was issued, the mosque caretakers had asked ulemas or preachers who delivered sermons at the mosques to familiarize the congregation with different stand on the coronavirus outbreak. The different stand was demonstrated by performing prayers at the mosques as usual, and upholding and maintaining instructions by Allah SWT. The state of religious virtue will protect them from the Covid-19.
With the belief, the calls from the government, the Indonesian Council of Ulemas (MUI), and the NU executive board have gone unheeded. The call for Muslims not to perform Friday prayers on March 27, April 3 and April 10, 2020 was replied by some of NU mosque caretakers by organizing Friday prayers though through cheating. The congregation entered the mosques through the intentionally opened rear gates and sermons were delivered in a short time, around five minutes, using indoor loudspeakers.
Meanwhile, Muhammadiyah mosque caretakers responded to the call or circular by discussing it with PRM. If the message of a call or circular is related to religious teachings, they will discuss it with their senior preachers. They will later convey it to the congregation with notes or do not convey it at all.
In general, the preachers are critical of any message they receive because Muhammadiyah encourages independent reasoning (ijtihad) as part of the steps to develop Islamic thoughts (Turmudi, 2003). It has been the tradition for Muhammadiyah preachers and figures to open discussion after delivering sermons.
The Muhammadiyah mosque caretakers gave cautious and critical reponses to the government's, MUI's and police's calls for Muslims not to perform Friday prayers on March 27, April 3, and April 10, 2020. Organizationally, they refer the issue to the decision or call from the Muhammadiyah central executive board.
Despite the call for Muslims not to perform Friday prayers on March 27 and April 3, 2020, some Muslims still performed Friday prayers secretly. After the congregation entered the mosque through the rear gates, mosque caretakers took various steps. Some of them suggested that the congregation perform Friday prayers by paying attention to the effort to contain the spread of coronavirus as recommended by the government.
Some mosques organized Friday prayers by applying social distancing rules with short sermons without loudspeakers and asking congregation to bring their own prayer rugs. Meanwhile, other mosques did not organize Friday prayers and asked congregation to perform Zuhur prayers as a substitute for Friday prayers although the congregation met quorum for Friday prayers. The different responses to the government's and MUI's calls were the result of the ongoing polemic or discussion between PRM and caretakers and preachers of each mosque. Both PRM and Muhammadiyah sub-branch executive board immediately handled the different responses and Muhammadiyah mosques throughout South Kalimantan reached an agreement to comply with the call not to organize Friday prayers during the Covid-19 outbreak. The authorized institution had studied the call by consulting experts in medicines and religion.
They also had consulted MUI and the Muhammadiyah Central Executive Board and thus, it comes as no surprise that all Muhammadiyah mosques in South Kalimantan did not organize Friday prayers starting April 10, 2020. All mosque caretakers and congregation complied with the decision.
NU mosque caretakers announced the call or circular for mosques not to hold Friday prayers to the congregation face-to-face using or without using loudspeakers. However, the announcement went without discussion or question and answer session.
The researcher observed that some members of the congregation had responded to the call and even rejected it. But the responses disappeared when the discussion was over. In addition, messages were also conveyed through banners and announcement boards. The notice notifying no Friday prayers was conveyed through banners, while internal information such as financial report was made public on the announcement board.
Muhammadiyah mosques conveyed the messages of the government's or MUI's call and circular for mosques not to hold Friday prayers through public media, social media and propagation radio. The public media conveyed not only the messages of the call and circular but also the mosque caretakers' stand taken after consulting PRM or senior preachers of the mosques.
The messages that were posted on social media account were passed on to the mosque propagation group in the internet. There has been a great deal of discussion about the messages sent by its members. The mosque caretakers also followed the discussion. If the discussion was relevant they would respond to it. The messages of the government's and MUI's call and circular received responses from the mosque caretakers and congregation. In the group of NU mosques, caretakers accepted the government's and MUI's call concerning the Covid-19 without reserve. But the implementation of the call was secretly against its content. They were afraid of rejecting the call openly because they would encounter the government.
The rejection of the call was based on the obligation to perform Friday prayers under whatever circumstances. They believe if they do not perform three consecutive Friday prayers, they will be classified as hypocrite and go to hell. In addition, they also believe if they obey instructions by Allah, Allah will protect them against the danger of the Covid-19.
Meanwhile, Muhammadiyah mosque caretakers took a crital stance on the messages of the government's and MUI's call and circular. They discussed the call with PRM and senior preachers of the mosques and would apply the stance to the congregation.
Previously, mosque caretakers particularly in Banjarmasin City had different stance when they responded to the call for mosques not to hold Friday prayers on March 27 and April 3, 2020. After PRM reported the undesired happenings to PCM, PCM issued a guide to implementing the government's and MUI's call because the Muhammadiyah Central Executive Board also supported it.
The health communication conducted by two groups of mosques in Banjarmasin City, if summarized, will bring about disparities as shown in Table 1 below: Unlike the previous research looking at the difference between traditional and modern structures from the religious sociological and philosophical aspects, this research has analyzed the issue by making psychological communication approaches through which the research found disparities, starting from the aspects of communicator, message and media to their impacts as shown in Table 1.
From the analysis, several problems related to each of the communication aspects were found. Viewed from the aspect of communicator, the group of NU mosques positions mosque caretakers and ulemas/preachers as communicators to send messages or information including those related to the Covid-19 outbreak to the congregation. The two kinds of communicators are not responsible to the higher structure so that they fully determine the meaning arising from the perception of the messages and information sent to them.
Meanwhile, the meaning determined by preachers and caretakers of the group of Muhammadiyah mosques must be agreed upon by the higher structure, namely the Muhammadiyah executive board, starting from the lowest to central levels. This causes the messages and information received to be managed differently before being conveyed to the congregation. The management of messages and information through external supervision can cause them to be arranged more clearly.
Viewed from the aspect of message or content, NU mosque caretakers tend to pass on the content from the authorities, ulemas, or combination of both to the congregation. This makes the content vulnerable to not being perceived by determining true, well-guided meaning.
Meanwhile, in the group of Muhammadiyah mosques, caretakers discussed/consulted first the content with senior preacher and PRM (Muhammadiyah sub-branch executive board) and the congregation of the local mosques. As such, the messages will potentially be understood well so that the acceptance or rejection of messages will really be based on full awareness or knowledge.
Viewed from the message theory, the content consulted/discussed will have a greater chance to become a clear and easily-digested message. Regardless of this, psychologically, the message conveyed without giving the recepient a chance to ask questions, give a comment and so on, is tantamount to exorting softly the message to be accepted. In other words, the message can be considered coercive though it is in the lightest stage. In contrast, the message open to be questioned, commented, even criticized can be considered persuasive.
Viewed from the media aspect, NU mosques tend to use a less varied, one-way channel. The use of announcement board and banner as media does not open a room for dialog/discussion besides it needs special attempt to take content from it. Actually, public media can function as two-way media but most of NU mosques do not take advantage of the function. The use of wall media by NU mosques does not potentially make it easy for congregation to study and give an accurate meaning to the content of messages.
Meanwhile, the group of Muhammadiyah mosques use a variety of media including two-way media. For instance, public media is set in such way to allow for question and answer session. Likewise, propagation radio also makes available a question and answer room. In fact, in the WhatsApp/social media of the group of Muhammadiyah mosques, members of the group are free to convey messages/information, and discuss or debate topics they talk about. The group of Muhammadiyah mosques use media to clarify messages circulating among the congregation including those related to the Covid-19. Psychologically, a variety of media used by Muhammadiyah mosques have the potential to make congregation intelligent and rational.
As a result of the governmentg's health communication, NU mosque caretakers and congregation tend to reject the aim of the communcation. This is evident from the mosques that continue to hold five-time congregational prayers and Friday prayers by fulfilling minimum standard for the prevention of coronavirus outbreak although they announced not to hold congregational Friday prayers.
This phenomenon can be explained with message theory. It is predicted that NU mosque members still have a poor knowledge of information related to content that reaches them, meanwhile, Muhammadiyah mosque members tend to receive the health communication from the government.
Muhammad mosques announced not to organize five-time congregational prayers and Friday prayers at mosques. Instead, the congregation can perform prayers at their respective home. The Muhammadiyah mosque members have adequate knowledge and information related to content that reaches them.

Conclusion
In accordance with the purpose of this study as mentioned in the introduction section and explanations as stated in the results and discussion section, the researcher comes to the conclusion that disparities in the management of mosques still prevail in Banjarmasin City as can be seen from the physical characteristics and views of the mosques, namely the group of NU mosques and the group of Muhammadiyah mosques. In connection with the health communication launched by the government as part of efforts to contain the spread of the Covid-19, the group of NU mosques tends to reject it as they view it from the message theory and psychological communication theory. In general, there is inadequate communication leading to poor knowledge and information.
Each of the groups of mosques shows their typical characteristics viewed from communication sciences. Among the two different characteristics, the characteristic of the group of Muhammadiyah mosques is more conducive to accept the health communication.
The researcher sees the success of the group of Muhammadiyah mosques is closely related to the application of accurate communication approaches launched consciously or unconsciously by this group of mosques including reviving dialogs by providing relevant media. This occurs because communicators are organized and aware of their respective function, either hierarchically or functionally.
The above findings prompt the researcher to have the courage to propose to the government in particular and the group of NU mosques in general to be united to create an organization for the group of NU mosques. The organization will serve as a basis, umbrella and command to ensure that the communication within the group of NU mosques will run more effectively and will be wellcontrolled to resolve internal differences.